Punjab’s drug scourge needs policy, not slogans

Punjab’s drug menace has outlived a dozen crackdowns and three governments. It returns now, as it has before successive elections, to the centre of the state’s politics. On Friday, the BJP, which says it will contest all 117 seats on its own, flagged off the first of four “Nasha Mukt Punjab” yatras under the slogan, “Bhajpa Da Naara, Nasha Mukauna Saara”. The party’s president Nitin Nabin launched the campaign, which will cover nearly 4,000 km before culminating in Jalandhar on September 30, where Union Home Minister Amit Shah is expected to address a rally. The Congress has responded in kind. Its Punjab in-charge, Sachin Pilot, led a protest in Chandigarh over the death of labourer Gulzar Singh, who had questioned state Finance Minister Harpal Singh Cheema about the availability of drugs and later died by suicide. Last month, Akali Dal (Waris Punjab De) leaders also made drugs the centrepiece of their campaign at the Rakhar Puniya rally, promising a white paper on the scourge.

Geography has long been cited as one reason for the problem. The state lies at the edge of the Golden Crescent and shares a roughly 550-km border with Pakistan. But the trade has outgrown the border. Drones ferry consignments, other states have become relay points, and pharmaceutical drugs — cheaper, more accessible and harder to trace — have become an important part of the trade. The AAP government’s “Yudh Nasheyan Viruddh”, launched in March 2025, has produced arrests and seizure figures in abundance. But there’s been no visible slowdown in the contraband flow. Families are destroyed, while many young Punjabis leave the state in search of a future abroad. The role of families in prevention and recovery is important, but the state cannot abdicate its responsibility. It must dismantle the networks controlling the trade, prosecute those who finance and supply it, and ensure treatment and rehabilitation for those caught in addiction.

Overall Analysis

The editorial argues that Punjab’s drug problem cannot be solved through political campaigns and slogans alone and requires sustained policy measures, enforcement and rehabilitation. The title itself — “Policy, not slogans” — establishes the central contrast of the editorial and signals that the writer wants to move the discussion from political rhetoric to concrete action.

The opening uses a historical and repetitive framing: “outlived a dozen crackdowns and three governments” and “returns now, as it has before successive elections.” This suggests that the problem has persisted despite repeated political interventions. The phrase “centre of the state’s politics” connects the social problem with electoral politics. The writer then lists the campaigns and responses of different political parties. This creates an impression of political competition around the issue, rather than demonstrating that the underlying problem has been resolved.

The use of political slogans such as “Nasha Mukt Punjab” and “Bhajpa Da Naara, Nasha Mukauna Saara” is important from a language perspective. The editorial deliberately places these slogans alongside descriptions of rallies, yatras and protests. This creates the title’s central rhetorical contrast between slogans and policy.

The second paragraph shifts from politics to the structural causes of the drug trade. The writer first acknowledges geography, particularly Punjab’s proximity to the Golden Crescent and its border with Pakistan. However, the phrase “But the trade has outgrown the border” acts as a transition from an older explanation to a more complex understanding of the problem. The writer then identifies drones, interstate networks and pharmaceutical drugs as newer dimensions of the trade.

The editorial uses short, forceful sentences to emphasise the consequences: “Families are destroyed” and “many young Punjabis leave the state in search of a future abroad.” The language becomes more human and emotive here, moving away from geography and statistics toward social consequences.

The final sentences are prescriptive and action-oriented. The writer argues that families have a role in prevention and recovery but insists that the government cannot “abdicate its responsibility.” The concluding sequence — “dismantle the networks… prosecute those who finance and supply it, and ensure treatment and rehabilitation” — uses parallel structure to present three concrete areas of action. This gives the editorial a strong and decisive ending.

Overall, the editorial combines political reporting, social analysis, cause-and-effect reasoning and policy prescriptions. Its language moves from criticism of political rhetoric to an examination of the problem’s changing nature and finally to concrete governmental responsibilities.

Important Vocabulary – 5

1. Scourge – a serious problem or cause of suffering that affects a large number of people.
2. Menace – something that poses a threat or danger.
3. Contraband – goods that are illegally imported, exported or traded.
4. Abdicate – to fail to fulfil or give up a responsibility or duty.
5. Dismantle – to gradually break apart or destroy an organised system or structure.

Conclusion & Tone

The editorial concludes that Punjab’s drug crisis requires more than electoral campaigns, slogans and periodic crackdowns. The government must target the networks behind the trade while simultaneously providing treatment and rehabilitation to people affected by addiction.